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Crime, Law and Social Change. Prostitution is currently still an activity in Jamaica. Claims that a Nordic model exists have been identified in the media, political debates, and policy circles. The owner Kingston and prostitute Funk N Gruven on Bridge Street said releasing names could mean fewer people will engage in the activity of prostitution. Human Trafficking and Prostitution from a Swedish Perspective.
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Crime, Law and Social Change. The so-called Nordic model to respond to prostitution has been considered in legislative debates across Europe and internationally, and hailed by some as best practice to tackle sex trafficking and is believed to support gender equality.
Yet, when we interrogate the utilisation of the Nordic countries laws by law enforcers, it is not being implemented as per the law.
It has been claimed that a Nordic model to respond to prostitution exists after Sweden, Norway, Iceland and Finland introduced legislation that made the purchase of sex a criminal offence. This model has subsequently been hailed as a successful policy approach across many international and European countries, and has led some nations to enact similar laws.
This policy approach is identified by some as best practice and has thus been identified as a progressive policy approach to follow internationally. Its widespread consideration in legal and policy prostitution debates demonstrates the gravitas of an apparent coherent and unified approach to prostitution and that the Nordic model has international import.
It is therefore unsurprising that other countries have looked to this model for inspiration. The Republic of Ireland Minister for Justice and Equality, Deputy Frances Fitzgerald identified the model as an approach to follow when debating the Republic of Ireland bill, before it became law [ 3 ].
In Canada, the model was discussed throughout parliamentary debates before the purchase of sexual services was made a criminal offence [ 4 ]. Yet, when we interrogate Nordic countries prostitution laws and the utilisation of these laws by law enforcers, it is apparent that the laws are not being implemented.
This therefore throws the claim that there is a united and compelling approach to prostitution into doubt. Rather, evidence suggests that the approaches in these Nordic countries are disparate, and that Norway, Finland and Iceland encountered many problems and challenges when they adopted the policy approach taken by Sweden.
In particular, law enforcers do not utilise and apply the law. In this article, we undertake a systematic review of the Nordic countries implementation of the law to criminalise the purchase of sex. Our original contribution to these debates draws on policy transfer and comparative law literature, as well as academic research that has documented post-legislative implementation debates.
We expose the cracks in the so-called Nordic model, thereby discrediting the persuasive nature of a unified Nordic approach to prostitution. We therefore urge governments to learn lessons from the problems and challenges of adopting the Nordic model, rather than transfer the policy approach on purely ideological grounds. We begin the article by examining the background to the claim that a Nordic model exists. It then examines the international importation of the Nordic model.
We then interrogate the implementation of these laws by law-enforcers as well as the problems and challenges associated with the adoption of the model. Finally, the article considers the reasons why the Nordic model continues to have international import and the implications this has.
It has been suggested that the introduction of a criminal offence of purchasing sexual services in Sweden, followed later by Norway and Iceland, and partially in Finland, signify a unified Nordic approach to prostitution [ 7 ]. Claims that a Nordic model exists have been identified in the media, political debates, and policy circles.
The UK House of Commons Home Affairs Committee inquiry into prostitution has prompted written submissions that have identified a Nordic model [ 5 ]. This model is sometimes referred to as the Swedish model because Sweden was the first country to introduce legislation that created a criminal offence to purchase sex in [ 10 ]. The Swedish government believed that:. Prostitution is considered to cause serious harm both to individuals and to society as a whole.
Large-scale crime, including human trafficking for sexual purposes, assault, procuring and drug-dealing, is also commonly associated with prostitution … criminalising the purchase of sexual services could help make it harder for various groups or individuals in other countries to establish more extensive organised prostitution activities in Sweden ibid: [ 12 ] at 1.
This attitude and approach to prostitution, it was hoped, would be adopted by other countries and as Levy has claimed:. The Swedish government undertook two reviews to demonstrate the laws effectiveness and implementation in practice after ten years [ 13 , 15 ]. The first review compared the assumed prevalence of prostitution in Sweden to Norway and Denmark before the ban was introduced and concluded that prevalence was three times higher in Norway and Denmark than in Sweden following the ban [ 13 ].
The evaluation and implementation of the law to ban the purchase of sexual services was therefore seen as a success [ 16 ]. After implementing similar laws in , Norway reportedly witnessed a similar dramatic reduction in the prevalence of street prostitution [ 16 ]. The perceived success of the Nordic policy approach has led other countries to consider transferring to the Nordic model. Calls to adopt this policy model stems from the belief that this approach tackles gender inequality, trafficking and exploitation.
Considers that the most effective way of combating the trafficking of women and under-age females for sexual exploitation and improving gender equality is the model implemented in Sweden, Iceland and Norway the so-called Nordic model [ 22 ].
Although the European Union has always said that policies and laws on prostitution are outside of their competence and are, therefore, a matter for individual countries, attempts have still been made to pass pan-European laws. I support the Swedish Model also used in Iceland and Norway , and have written a report for the European Parliament women's committee advocating it. We voted through the report today so it will go to the full parliament next month, sending a strong signal that the wind is blowing in the direction of Scandinavia [ 23 ].
International prostitution policy debates have become increasingly interested with what has been named the Swedish and Nordic model. In Scotland and Luxembourg although plans to adopt this model were rejected, the Swedish and Nordic model was identified in political discussions and during visits made to Sweden [ 24 , 25 , 26 , 27 , 28 ].
This interest is demonstrated by the introduction of somewhat similar laws in Northern Ireland 5 and England and Wales, 6 where the purchase of sexual services of a prostitute subject to force was criminalised. In France, following two years of debate, the French Senate introduced law making the purchase of sex a criminal offence and the offender liable for a fine and other sanctions [ 31 , 32 , 33 , 34 ].
In the consultation stages of this Bill, a delegation of campaigners, who were a part of the National Assembly in France, established a working group which, amongst other things, undertook a visit to Sweden to understand how the law was being implemented and what impact the law had on sex workers [ 35 ].
In French Parliamentary debates it was recognised that Finland, Norway and Iceland had followed the Swedish model and this law had changed attitudes and behaviours in these countries [ 35 ]. Other European countries, such as the Republic of Ireland, have shown their intentions to adopt this legislative approach.
As with other countries, concerns over trafficking appear to have given this pursuit momentum. The international import of the Nordic model continues to be considered by other countries in Europe. Yet the degree to which there is a coherent Nordic model is questionable, not least because the Nordic laws operate in different contexts, and are not implemented in existing legislation or by practitioners in the same way. Thus, the degree to which it can be claimed that Nordic policy model exists must be considered with caution.
In order to critically examine whether a so-called unified Nordic model exists amongst the Nordic countries, the next part of the article will consider these laws in their regulatory environment. Claims that a Nordic model exists should be viewed with scepticism when we examine the implementation of black letter law within the regulatory environment. Indeed once we examine the implementation of the law, it is evident that these Nordic countries have experienced problems post-transferal, when those whose role it is to utilise the law do not do so.
Therefore, the context in which a legal policy is transferred is critical to its successful implementation and adoption. As a result, Dolowitz and Marsh claim that policy transfers can lead to policy failure [ 41 ].
They suggest there are three factors that can lead to policy failure: uninformed transfer, incomplete transfer, and inappropriate transfer. The first, uninformed transfer arises when a country borrows the policy from another but does not have sufficient information on how the policy operates. The second, incomplete transfer, occurs when key elements of the policy are not transferred.
Thirdly, inappropriate transfer takes place when critical economic, political, social and ideological contexts are overlooked or ignored by the borrowing country. The following part of the article will therefore examine the law in context in order to explore whether there is a coherent model in practice. Research has shown that the Swedish approach has a number of negative consequences that should be considered by borrowing counties, as well as the negative impact this approach has had on other Nordic countries.
The negative effects of the Swedish approach has included increasing the vulnerability of those who sell sexual services and trafficked victims. Some have even claimed that the Swedish government ignores and turns a blind eye to the negative effects of the law. In Sweden, it has been argued that rather than reducing exploitation and abuse, the law has made sex workers more vulnerable to exploitation [ 45 ].
Those who sell sexual services on the street in Sweden have been shown to take less time negotiating with clients and this therefore reduces their ability to assess the potential risks [ 46 ].
Previous studies in Sweden and the UK have demonstrated that police enforcement can push the industry underground which can lead to greater risks to both sex workers and clients as they attempt to evade police prosecution [ 47 , 48 , 49 ].
Likewise in France, research by Le Bail and Giametta has shown how the criminalisation of clients in France has increased levels of violence and risks that those who sell sex face and shifted the power relationship in favour of clients who feel more able to make demands and impose conditions [ 50 ].
The negative effects of adopting the Swedish approach can also be observed in Norway where the Pro Sentret report indicated that the law to criminalise clients made sex workers much more susceptible to violence because the sex industry moves further underground to avoid criminal prosecution [ 51 ]. In contrast, research has demonstrated that decriminalisation in New Zealand has enabled those who sell sex to determine what services they will and will not provide, which clients they will provide services to, as well as negotiate safer sex practices [ 53 ].
Their legal position means that when instances of exploitation do occur they can take their case to a human rights tribunal or through other legal processes [ 54 ]. A further problem associated with the Swedish approach is the evidence base upon which it has been rationalised. It has been suggested that its introduction was needed to tackle sex trafficking. The belief held is that through reducing demand for prostitution, sex trafficking would reduce.
Instead, critics of the Swedish model have argued that the criminalisation of the purchase of sex in Sweden has not led to a reduction in the extent of trafficking. Instead, the penalisation of clients has made sex workers more vulnerable to exploitation [ 45 ], and trafficked victims more reluctant to report their exploitation to the police for fear of reprisals from traffickers, and because of their inherent distrust of the authorities.
Furthermore, in Finland Detective chief sergeant Kenneth Eriksson claims that the Finish law is counterproductive as clients are deterred from reporting potential evidence of sex trafficking and exploitation to the police, because they themselves fear criminal prosecution [ 57 ] at Its preference is to follow the Swedish model which is seen as having few problems, is less ambiguous and has little negative impact on sex workers [ 20 ].
For example, although research has identified that prevalence of the purchase of sex tends to be higher in countries where prostitution is legal, the authors also highlight that self-reporting rates are likely to be lower in a country where prostitution is illegal and this therefore explains these lower prevalence rates [ 59 ]. Indeed, research has shown that in countries where prostitution is illegal the industry becomes more hidden as those involved seek to avoid being identified or prosecuted by the authorities [ 48 , 60 ].
Thus, the apparent reduction in prostitution is merely a reflection of the invisibility of the industry from public or visible spaces. Spatial switching and the desire to avoid prosecution may also help to explain research that has identified that in countries where prostitution is legal, higher trafficking rates are also higher [ 62 ]. Research on male clients of commercial sex have indicated their reluctance to report instances of potential exploitation or abuse to the authorities in the UK because they may face prosecution [ 63 ].
Furthermore, whilst research by Kotasdam and Jakobsson found that sex trafficking rates are higher in countries where prostitution is legal, they also acknowledge that countries with a wealth of resources, more enhanced law enforcement skills and legal systems may be better placed to detect and prosecute sex trafficking [ 64 ]. Research has also shown that some migrants who sell sexual services have claimed victimhood status have done so to gain access to resources and avoid deportation, further complicating the findings of sex trafficking prevalence rates [ 46 , 65 ].
The potential ineffectiveness and legitimacy of the Swedish or Nordic legal policy approach has however, not been ignored by other countries. For example, in Luxembourg a Bill which would have criminalised the purchase of sex was dropped by the Luxembourg government in because it was believed that the law could increase the dangers for sex workers as they would be more likely to work alone if the law was introduced [ 28 ].
Simply adopting a model from another country, because it appears to work, does not take wider social issues into consideration and may thus not work in another country. Policy transfer can be a diverse, multi-faceted process which can be fraught with many challenges and problems, and may be mediated by a particular social, historical, cultural context.
Canton and McFarlane argue:. Just as each policy is unique, different areas of public policy pose their own distinct challenges for transfer. This is certainly true of criminal justice. There are considerable variations among different nations in their views about the origins of crime, and about how the state and the community should respond to offenders … It is increasingly recognised that the trajectory of criminal justice policy development depends upon a wide range of political, economic, social, cultural and emotional influences, interacting with each other in uncertain ways [ 68 ] at Indeed, the attempted adoption of the Nordic model may be rejected by the host nation because of its incompatibility with social and cultural values of that country.
Many comparative legal studies have demonstrated that transferred or copied laws have failed to work because of resistance to full enforcement of the law or because of non-compliance by lawmakers or law enforcers [ 39 ].
Thus, problems with the implementation of the Nordic model can also take place post-transferal when those whose role it is to utilise the law do not do so because they are unable, unwilling or inept.
Despite the legal focus of enforcement focusing on clients in France, those who sell sex are still more heavily prosecuted and face intimidation and threats from the police [ 50 ].
In Sweden, despite selling sex not being a criminal offence, research has demonstrated the biased and discriminatory way that the police respond to and deal with those who sell sexual services [ 71 ]. In England and Wales, Kingston and Thomas found that the police were not using the partial law that criminalised men for purchasing sexual services from trafficked women.
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For more info on Jamaica, or if you have any questions, check out the links below or leave a comment. This was an excellent write-up. I guess most girls down there are conservative. It will probably would be worth a trip for the culture and the weed. Surprised I never received this post in my e-mail. I was wondering when were you gonna put up the JA piece. I never been to Jamaica though. I saw a lot of Chinese around Montego Bay, and a few in Kingston, but no mixed types.
From what I saw they pretty much stay with their own. In my opinion the only reason to go to Jamaica if your after girls is if you already have a girl set up for when you arrive and you can stay at her place because hotels around there are not cheap, unless you want to stay very far from where you want to be, but even than it can still cost you more than you would expect to pay for a country like Jamaica.
You have to do transfers with more common buses dangerous or fork out a lot of due for a taxi. In my experience Americans in general give far too much priority to how great of a hotel they get. A hotel room is mainly for three things, sleeping, clean up, and bringing women back. Mexico varies dramantically depending on where you are. Ecuador can also be good for hotels, at lest it was 6 years ago. Guatemala and El Salvador are okay, but what pisses me off about those countries, especially El Salvador is they always want to charge you for a guest, and charge you almost double.
I would much, much rather spend 10 days in a economical hotel than only spend 3 or 4 days in an expensive one. To me, time is far more important than luxury. What this young lady Chantel wrote, is absolutely true. The reason, why they are so grumpy to foreigners is, that a lot of stupid american misbehaving bastards make the way to their country and treating them like shit.
Jamaicans are very proud people. The other problem is that a lot of white male from all over the world come to Jamaica just to hook up some cute black ladies and they are quite sick and tied of this. Although, this problem appears more in the northern touristic epicentres than in Kingston. I agree with you, that the jamaican gyals are hard to crack but finally I had a lot of fun with some ghetto-chicks from the street partys downtown.
My 2 cents: Kingston is not a city, you understand in 2 or 3 days. I pick up all three flags and write guides for the Jamaican coast, Kingston, Havana and Nassau. I also dish out 5 valuable tips for hooking up in […]. How awesome it […]. Name required. Email will not be published required. This site uses Akismet to reduce spam. Learn how your comment data is processed. City Guide: Havana, Cuba. Matt Johnson November 30, at am. Socialkenny November 30, at pm.
Wonder if you seen any. Shawn January 23, at pm. Shawn January 28, at am. Steve August 4, at pm. Leave a Reply Click here to cancel reply. Comment Name required Email will not be published required Website.
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A lengthy undercover prostitution investigation culminated in the charges after officers targeted men seeking prostitutes in the downtown area of the city. The suspects, more than half of whom do not reside in Belleville, range in age from 35 to The numbers, he said, speak for themselves. VandeGraaf said it is not just the numbers that shocked him, but also the time of day some of the men were charged. The first charge, he said, was laid just before the supper hour on Thursday.
Downtown business owner Mike Malachowski said he was not aware Belleville has a problem with prostitution. Releasing the names of the 14 men, however, was not a decision made lightly. VandeGraaf said there was discussion among police staff about whether those names would be made public but, due to the nature of the charges, it was agreed their identities would be released to local media.
It is clear we do believe that as we do these types of operations rarely and, given the numbers, we felt it was important. The owner of Funk N Gruven on Bridge Street said releasing names could mean fewer people will engage in the activity of prostitution. John Rand agreed with the police move to have the names released for the same reason as Malachowski. He said if those charged know their names will be made available to the public, it should stem the flow of activity.
VandeGraaf said while the most recent operation focused on the men and not the women selling the service, a further investigation into the supply side of prostitution could also happen. The 14 men charged with communication for the purpose of prostitution, and who have a court date of Oct.
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